So much for freedom of speech… see the video here.
American Jews to join Gaza flotilla
Ma’an News: Several American Jews are to board a US boat planning to join a flotilla of about 10 ships seeking to breach Israel’s naval blockade of Gaza later this month, an organizer said Monday.
“We are seeking justice for Gaza,” Leslie Cagan told reporters, noting that the boat will have 36 passengers, four crew members and nine journalists when it sets sail for the Palestinian coastal enclave.
She said 28 percent of the passengers were American Jews.
“It’s important that Jews are in this boat… The Jewish lobby in this country is so powerful,” said New York labor attorney Richard Levy, himself Jewish. “We cannot support an Israeli blockade which is morally and juridically unsupportable… No more people should be slaughtered in the name of the Jews.”
Video: Libyan Rebel’s Weapons… Guerrilla Style
You have to be impressed by them. Look at this video and see how determined they are, even making their own weapons out of scrap material and other damaged weapons.
Ex-Spy Alleges Bush White House Sought to Discredit Critic
Professor Cole is the reason I’m studying at the University of Michigan and he’s my PhD adviser. The Bush Administration, an administration that will go down in history as the worst, attempted to silence him simply because he brought his knowledge and expertise to bear to inform his wide English-speaking audience to the truths about the administrations policies and effects in Iraq and the region. He should consider it a badge of honor to have such detestable enemies. NYTimes: A former senior C.I.A. official says that officials in the Bush White House sought damaging personal information on a prominent American critic of the Iraq war in order to discredit him.
Glenn L. Carle, a former Central Intelligence Agency officer who was a top counterterrorism official during the administration of President George W. Bush, said the White House at least twice asked intelligence officials to gather sensitive information on Juan Cole, a University of Michigan professor who writes an influential blog that criticized the war.
In an interview, Mr. Carle said his supervisor at the National Intelligence Council told him in 2005 that White House officials wanted “to get†Professor Cole, and made clear that he wanted Mr. Carle to collect information about him, an effort Mr. Carle rebuffed. Months later, Mr. Carle said, he confronted a C.I.A. official after learning of another attempt to collect information about Professor Cole. Mr. Carle said he contended at the time that such actions would have been unlawful.
It is not clear whether the White House received any damaging material about Professor Cole or whether the C.I.A. or other intelligence agencies ever provided any information or spied on him. Mr. Carle said that a memorandum written by his supervisor included derogatory details about Professor Cole, but that it may have been deleted before reaching the White House. Mr. Carle also said he did not know the origins of that information or who at the White House had requested it.
Intelligence officials disputed Mr. Carle’s account, saying that White House officials did ask about Professor Cole in 2006, but only to find out why he had been invited to C.I.A.-sponsored conferences on the Middle East. The officials said that the White House did not ask for sensitive personal information, and that the agency did not provide it.
“We’ve thoroughly researched our records, and any allegation that the C.I.A. provided private or derogatory information on Professor Cole to anyone is simply wrong,†said George Little, an agency spokesman.
Since a series of Watergate-era abuses involving spying on White House political enemies, the C.I.A. and other spy agencies have been prohibited from collecting intelligence concerning the activities of American citizens inside the United States.
“These allegations, if true, raise very troubling questions,†said Jeffrey H. Smith, a former C.I.A. general counsel. “The statute makes it very clear: you can’t spy on Americans.†Mr. Smith added that a 1981 executive order that prohibits the C.I.A. from spying on Americans places tight legal restrictions not only on the agency’s ability to collect information on United States citizens, but also on its retention or dissemination of that data.
Mr. Smith and several other experts on national security law said the question of whether government officials had crossed the line in the Cole matter would depend on the exact nature of any White House requests and whether any collection activities conducted by intelligence officials had been overly intrusive.
The experts said it might not be unlawful for the C.I.A. to provide the White House with open source material — from public databases or published material, for example — about an American citizen. But if the intent was to discredit a political critic, that would be improper, they said.
Mr. Carle, who retired in 2007, has not previously disclosed his allegations. He did so only after he was approached by The New York Times, which learned of the episode elsewhere. While Mr. Carle, 54, has written a book to be published next month about his role in the interrogation of a terrorism suspect, it does not include his allegations about the White House’s requests concerning the Michigan professor.
“I couldn’t believe this was happening,†Mr. Carle said. “People were accepting it, like you had to be part of the team.â€
Professor Cole said he would have been a disappointing target for the White House. “They must have been dismayed at what a boring life I lead,†he said.
In 2005, after a long career in the C.I.A.’s clandestine service, Mr. Carle was working as a counterterrorism expert at the National Intelligence Council, a small organization that drafts assessments of critical issues drawn from reports by analysts throughout the intelligence community. The council was overseen by the newly created Office of the Director of National Intelligence.
Mr. Carle said that sometime that year, he was approached by his supervisor, David Low, about Professor Cole. Mr. Low and Mr. Carle have starkly different recollections of what happened. According to Mr. Carle, Mr. Low returned from a White House meeting one day and inquired who Juan Cole was, making clear that he wanted Mr. Carle to gather information on him. Mr. Carle recalled his boss saying, “The White House wants to get him.â€
“ ‘What do you think we might know about him, or could find out that could discredit him?’ †Mr. Low continued, according to Mr. Carle.
Mr. Carle said that he warned that it would be illegal to spy on Americans and refused to get involved, but that Mr. Low seemed to ignore him.
“But what might we know about him?†he said Mr. Low asked. “Does he drink? What are his views? Is he married?â€
Mr. Carle said that he responded, “We don’t do those sorts of things,†but that Mr. Low appeared undeterred. “I was intensely disturbed by this,†Mr. Carle said.
He immediately went to see David Gordon, then the acting director of the council. Mr. Carle said that after he recounted his exchange with Mr. Low, Mr. Gordon responded that he would “never, never be involved in anything like that.â€
Mr. Low was not at work the next morning, Mr. Carle said. But on his way to a meeting in the C.I.A.’ s front office, a secretary asked if he would drop off a folder to be delivered by courier to the White House. Mr. Carle said he opened it and stopped cold. Inside, he recalled, was a memo from Mr. Low about Juan Cole that included a paragraph with “inappropriate, derogatory remarks†about his lifestyle. Mr. Carle said he could not recall those details nor the name of the White House addressee.
He took the document to Mr. Gordon right away, he said. The acting director scanned the memo, crossed out the personal data about Professor Cole with a red pen, and said he would handle it, Mr. Carle said. He added that he never talked to Mr. Low or Mr. Gordon about the memo again.
In an interview, Mr. Low took issue with Mr. Carle’s account, saying he would never have taken part in an effort to discredit a White House critic. “I have no recollection of that, and I certainly would not have been a party to something like that,†Mr. Low said. “That would have simply been out of bounds.â€
Mr. Low, who no longer works in government, did recall being curious about Professor Cole. “I remember the name, as somebody I had never heard of, and who wrote on terrorism,†he said. “I don’t recall anything specific of how it came up or why.â€
Mr. Gordon, who has also left government service, said that he did not dispute Mr. Carle’s account, but did not remember meeting with him to discuss efforts to discredit Professor Cole.
Several months after the initial incident, Mr. Carle said, a colleague on the National Intelligence Council asked him to look at an e-mail he had just received from a C.I.A. analyst. The analyst was seeking advice about an assignment from the executive assistant to the spy agency’s deputy director for intelligence, John A. Kringen, directing the analyst to collect information on Professor Cole.
Mr. Carle said his colleague, whom he declined to identify, was puzzled by the e-mail. Mr. Carle, though, said he tracked Mr. Kringen’s assistant down in the C.I.A. cafeteria.
“Have you read his stuff?†Mr. Carle recalled the assistant saying about Professor Cole. “He’s really hostile to the administration.â€
The assistant, whom Mr. Carle declined to identify, refused to say who was behind the order. Mr. Carle said he warned that he would go to the agency’s inspector general or general counsel if Mr. Kringen did not stop the inquiry.
Intelligence officials confirmed that the assistant sent e-mails to an analyst seeking information about Professor Cole in 2006. They said he had done so at the request of the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, which had been asked by White House officials to find out why Professor Cole had been invited to CIA-sponsored conferences.
John D. Negroponte, who was then the director of national intelligence, said that he did not recall the incident, but that the White House might have asked others in his office about Professor Cole. A spokeswoman for the office said there was no evidence that anyone there had gathered derogatory information about him.
Around the time that Mr. Carle says the White House requests were made, Professor Cole’s conservative critics were campaigning to block his possible appointment to Yale University’s faculty. In 2006, conservative columnists, bloggers and pundits with close ties to the Bush administration railed against him, accusing Professor Cole of being anti-American and anti-Israeli. Yale ultimately scuttled the appointment.
Professor Cole, 58, is still teaching at Michigan, and still writes his blog on the Middle East, called Informed Comment.
The Revolutionary Lesson Gleaned from Yemen
After reneging on his promise to sign an agreement that would mark a transition of power and after months of protest and consequent regime attacks on revolutionaries, parts of the opposition were provoked to armed action, which has led to President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s injury and his departure to Saudi Arabia for surgery. The opposition has declared that this marks the first stage of a revolutionary victory as they pledge to block his return. This should be a lesson to all dictators who fail to relinquish power in the face of protracted protest movement: The longer you ignore your people’s demands and the more you seek an armed solution to peaceful demonstrations, the more you risk provoking your people to take armed action against you. After what just transpired in Yemen, the Syrian, Bahraini, and Iranian authorities must be trembling. The lesson learned in Egypt and Tunisia was that peaceful mass protest can bring down dictatorships. The lesson learned in Yemen is that if peaceful mass protest fails to bring down the dictatorship, an armed uprising is a viable second choice. This will have a major repercussions in the region for the immediate and long-term future of revolutionary activity that seeks to bring all these dictatorships crashing down. Here’s a video update on Yemen.
Khalidi’s “Palestinian Identity”
I just finished reading Columbia University professor Rashid Khalidi’s seminal book Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness (Columbia Univ. Press, 1997) and I thought I’d share a paragraph that I found very concise: “Ironically, it is Israel, the prime agitator for and beneficiary of the free movement of Soviet Jews, which has been responsible for many of these suffocating restrictions on the movements of Palestinians. There is clearly a paradox here. Its core is that Israelis, many of them descended from victims of persecution, pograms, and concentration camps, have themselves been mistreating another people. We thus find that the sins done to the fathers have morally desensitized the sons to their sins toward others, and have even sometimes been used to justify these sins.” (p. 5)
Video: Misurata’s Resilience
The people of Libya as a whole have left a major mark on the history of the region for their steadfastness in the face of Qaddafi’s murderous regime. The people of Misurata, however, deserve special recognition and respect. They have endured the brunt of Qaddafi’s counter-revolution and have emerged victorious. See the video here.
Vali Nasr: Will the Saudis Kill the Arab Spring?
Bloomberg: In his speech last week on the Middle East, President Barack Obama left little doubt that America stands with the people of the region in their demand for change. This puts the U.S. on a collision course with Saudi Arabia.
The kingdom has emerged as the leader of a new rejectionist front that is determined to defeat popular demand for reform. One would have expected Iran to lead such a front, but instead it is America’s closest Arab ally in the region that is seeking to defeat our policy. Though the president made no mention of Saudi Arabia in his speech, in the near term, dealing with the kingdom is the biggest challenge facing the U.S. in the Middle East.
Saudi rulers have made clear that they find U.S. support for democracy naive and dangerous, an existential threat to the monarchies of the Persian Gulf. If the U.S. supports democracy, the Saudis are signaling, it can no longer count on its special bond with Riyadh (read: oil).
The Saudi threat is intended to present U.S. policymakers with a choice between U.S. values and U.S. interests. The idea is that either Washington stays the course, supporting the Arab people’s demands for reform, and risks a rift with Saudi Arabia, or it protects that relationship and loses the rest of the Middle East.
In fact, the choice between U.S. values and interests is a false choice, as the president made clear in his speech. Now, American policy has to reflect this truth. So far, Washington has tried to placate the Saudis. It is time we challenged their words and deeds, instead.
Tectonic Shift
It’s no surprise that the tectonic shift in Arab politics, a popular revolt calling for reform, openness and accountability, worries the Saudi monarchy. The kingdom, like the rest of the Arab world, has a young population that wants jobs, freedom and a say in politics. Thirty-nine percent of Saudis ages 20 to 24 are unemployed. Having watched Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak step down amid protests in which Egyptian youths played a key role, Saudi King Abdullah announced $35 billion in new social benefits to head off demands for reform at home. That bought the monarchy time, but too many dominoes are falling in its direction to allow for complacency. Violent protests on Saudi Arabia’s borders, inside Bahrain and Yemen, have been particularly troubling.
From the outset, Riyadh encouraged every Arab ruler to resist reform. The more Washington embraced the Arab Spring, the more Riyadh worried. Saudi rulers took particular exception to Washington’s call for Mubarak to resign, and when the U.S. urged reform in Bahrain, they saw U.S. policy as a direct threat to them.
Encouraging Dialog
Washington had encouraged Bahrain’s king, Hamad ibn Isa al- Khalifa, to enter into dialog with the opposition there, and American diplomats were directly involved in mediating talks. An agreement was almost at hand when Riyadh took the rare step of undermining U.S. policy. Saudi rulers persuaded Bahrain to scuttle the talks and bring in troops from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to suppress the protests.
The weak excuse for this clumsy crackdown was that Iran was orchestrating the protests and Iranian expansionism had to be stopped in its tracks. A local protest inspired by popular demonstrations in Tunisia and Egypt was transformed into a regional conflict. The Saudi strategy was clear: shift the focus from democracy to the bogeyman, Iran.
Emboldened by the outcome in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia has mounted a regional strategy to defeat the Arab Spring. Riyadh has called for expansion of the Gulf Cooperation Council, a group of Arab countries that are oil-producing and sit on the Persian Gulf, to include Jordan and Morocco, which qualify on neither count.
Mollifying Protesters
The expansion would transform the GCC into the Arab world’s club of monarchies. Membership would provide cash-strapped Jordan and Morocco ample financial resources to mollify angry protesters. In return, they would have to abandon reform and be prepared to lend their more serious militaries to put down protests should they erupt again in Gulf states.
Saudi Arabia’s new posture is a serious challenge to U.S. policy. Conceding to Saudi demands will put America on the wrong side of a widely popular historical transformation in the region, and thus will only hurt U.S. interests in the long run. Bahrain’s heavy-handed suppression of protests has already dented American standing in the region.
Having Saudi Arabia deliberately ratchet up tensions with Iran is also risky. The Persian Gulf monarchies don’t have the military muscle to back their aggressive policy toward Iran. Their credibility depends on U.S. support. And if baiting Iran escalates tensions in the Gulf, U.S. interests and the sheer size of its military presence there will inevitably put the U.S. in the middle of the conflict.
Confronting the Challenge
For all these reasons, the U.S. needs to confront the Saudi challenge head-on. Failure to do so will hurt our standing in the region and alienate public opinion there, which will only benefit Iran.
The U.S. should assert its leadership role in the Middle East. It should make clear that, our close ties to Saudi Arabia notwithstanding, we will be as vigilant in pushing for reform in Bahrain as in Libya or Syria. Washington should be prepared to act if the monarchy in Bahrain doesn’t end its crackdown and start a meaningful dialog with the opposition. We should also make clear to Jordan and Morocco that America supports their reform initiatives and won’t look favorably on reversing course.
It’s true that we rely on the GCC for oil, but there will be no interruption in the flow of oil if we disagree with the Gulf states. Their livelihood depends on oil; to profit from it, they must sell it. Moreover, the GCC countries need us to protect their security, as was made amply clear in both wars with Iraq. What should concern us, then, is not the Saudi threats but rather how the people of the Middle East will judge our policies at this critical juncture in their history.
(Vali Nasr is a Bloomberg View columnist. The opinions expressed are his own.)
Obama’s Speech, the Israeli Backlash, and the Counter-revolution
Why is it that every time something big happens in relation to the Middle East, I’m off somewhere and can’t really blog about it? When bin Laden was killed, I was inflight to California from Michigan. And when Obama gave his recent big Middle East speech, I was on my way to northen California to visit family and friends. So, message to the world… next time something big is going to happen, can you please check with me first and make sure I’m ready? Ok, wonderful. (I’m just kidding, don’t get your feathers ruffled)
First, I think it’s important to give Obama credit for criticizing America’s friends and foes alike when it came to the crackdowns and counter-revolutions in the Middle East. I mean, he even spoke of the disgusting sectarian Shi’ite mosque demolitions in Bahrain. But, expectedly, there was no mention of the headquarters of the counter-revolution, the mainstay of dictatorship and tyranny in the Middle East… Saudi Arabia. For the democracy advocates in the Middle East to have a fighting chance, the Saudi dictatorship must be addressed, as well as the Israeli bunker state along the Mediterranean. These two forces are the biggest obstactles to democracy in the region.
The Saudis fear and fight democracy across the region because they don’t want it to serve as an exemplar for action that instigiates a homegrown challenge to its own authoritarian bastion in the Arabian Peninsula, and Israel fears and fights democracy in the Middle East because democracy in the region effectively means the isolation of Israel. No democratic regime in the region can have normal relations with Israel as long as Israel continues to ethnically cleanse Palestine of its native Palestinian population. I mean, even Turkey, a “moderate” democratic state is now at loggerheads with Israel over Israeli policies and its flotilla massacre last summer. Thus, these two regimes, especially the Saudis since they have billions in oil wealth to fund the counter-revolution, must be addressed if there is to be a genuine longterm push towards democratization in the region.
As for Obama’s reference to a two-state solution based on the ’67 borders… it was good to finally hear an American president say what the entire world has long advocated. The fact that there is a backlash from pro-Israeli advocates should tell you something about their longterm strategy: seize as much Palestinian land as fast as possible with totally disregard to the natives living there and keep it all and return as little as possible. And the whole Israeli argument that the ’67 borders are indefensible is a bunch of rubbish. It’s not like Israel was facing extermination from the West Bank Palestinians before Israel seized and occupied that territory in ’67. And Israel has since grown to be a much more formidable fascistic military state since so what’s with all the backlash? Glenn Greenwald effectively summarizes how I feel about the backlash here.
Iran has been isolated by the Arab spring
The Guardian: Nerves are fraying in Tehran as initial glee over Arab spring upheavals turns to alarm. Iran welcomed the fall of its old enemy, Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak. But the uprising now threatening its key Arab ally, the Syrian regime of Bashar Al-Assad, is a different matter altogether. Worse still, the thought that the region’s revolutionary mood may inspire Iran’s own much-bludgeoned green opposition to rise again inspires real fear.
Snap judgments in Washington and Jerusalem that Iran would be a main beneficiary of the collapse of the old Arab order now look wide of the mark. Infighting within the regime is matched by, and linked to, rising strategic uncertainty abroad. For these and other reasons, such as the gathering impact of nuclear-related sanctions, the era of cocky Iranian international defiance may be drawing to a close.
Amid the Middle East maelstrom, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei – Tehran’s terrible twins – suddenly look off balance, vulnerable, and at odds.
Khamenei tried initially to hijack the Arab liberation movements in the name of Iran’s illiberal theocratic brand, shamelessly sidestepping the brutal suppression of Iran’s own democratic revolt in 2009. “What I firmly announce is that a new movement, with the grace of God, has started in the region,” he said in his Persian new year message in March. “This widespread awakening of nations, which is directed towards Islamic goals, will definitely become victorious.”
Significantly, Khamenei did not mention Syria. But as unrest there and elsewhere has intensified, and as the essentially secular, wholly temporal, democratic thrust of that unrest has become undeniable, he and other Iranian leaders have largely abandoned the attempt to portray it as spreading Khomeini-ist revolution. Instead they complain about Nato intervention in Libya and a US-Israeli “plot” to topple Assad.
The stakes are undoubtedly high. Syria’s importance to Shia Iran as a prime conduit to Hezbollah in Lebanon, as a base for Hamas leaders running Gaza, as a frontline ally in the confrontation with Israel and the US, and as a political and commercial pathway into the Arab world is hard to exaggerate. But Tehran may reluctantly share western analysis that, regardless of Assad’s fate, the political balance between the minority Alawi Shia regime in Damascus and the Sunni majority has shifted irreversibly – to Iran’s distinct disadvantage.
A flurry of recent statements indicated rising Iranian anxiety. Speaking in Turkey, Ahmadinejad said there was “no need for foreign intervention” in Syria, as if anybody was contemplating it. Foreign ministry spokesman Ramin Mehmanparast accused western media of exaggerating the violence. And an official statement urged government and protesters to compromise in the interests of anti-Zionist solidarity.
“If Assad survives, he will have to establish some distance from Iran to appease Sunni protesters,” said American commentator David Ignatius, quoting US officials. “If he’s toppled, Syria is likely to be ruled by a Sunni-dominated regime that will be more hostile to Iran.”
The negative implications for Iran of the Arab revolts do not stop with Syria. The shotgun wedding between the rival Palestinian factions Hamas and Fatah, after years of bitter estrangement, has been widely attributed to the Hamas leadership’s new sense of insecurity in its habitual Syrian base. But it was also the product of a new assertiveness by Egypt, whose summary disposal of the slavishly pro-American Mubarak has begun to restore Cairo’s authority as the leading Arab power and an honest broker of inter-Arab disputes.
An Egypt less in thrall to Washington, and more prepared to defy Israel (for example, by permanently opening the Gaza crossings) could in theory benefit Tehran. But a more democratic and politically stronger, independent Egypt would also be a formidable rival and check on Tehran’s regional ambitions. In an interview with the Washington Post, Egypt’s new foreign minister, Nabil El-Araby, said Cairo had “turned a page with every country in the world”. But he declined to say whether that really included Iran, too.
The revolts in Bahrain and Yemen, drawing in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states, have also brought into the open long-simmering tensions with Iran – with King Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa of Bahrain, for example, directly accusing Tehran of plotting a coup. The confrontation galvanised the normally passive Saudis into a rare show of force, in Bahrain, in defence of their perceived interests. And in Lebanon, too, Iran’s ongoing “flagrant intervention” was publicly denounced by the outgoing prime minister, Saad Hariri. He vowed Tehran would not be allowed to use its ally, Hezbollah, to turn Lebanon into an “Iranian protectorate”.
None of this has gone unnoticed in Washington and Jerusalem, where policymakers (with the exception of Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu) appear more relaxed about the Iranian “threat” than they have for some time. “The Iranians are in trouble,” wrote analyst Aluf Benn in Haaretz. “It is best for Israel to remain quiet and not intervene, and to let the internal processes in Tehran and Damascus do their work.”
The sudden outpouring of repressed hostility unleashed by the Arab spring has punctured the illusion, cultivated by Iran, of harmonious relations with the Arab world and has instead highlighted its isolation. More dangerously for the warring Khamenei and Ahmadinejad, it may act as a catalyst reviving Iran’s internal opposition as economic problems mount and political factionalism intensifies ahead of next year’s parliamentary polls. At their latest demonstration in February, broken up like all the others, Tehran protesters hit on a slogan the terrible twins might do well to ponder: “Whether Cairo or Tehran, death to tyrants!”
The Arab Spring Comes to Israel
Juan Cole – Excerpt: The current Israeli government continues to steal land from the Palestinians and to attempt to blockade those in Gaza. It continues to deny responsibility for the millions in exile. It has never paid a dime in reparations for all the property it usurped from them. As long as Israeli policy looks like this, Israel will remain an insecure bunker on the fringes of the Middle East, a Middle East that has itself become fluid and subject to popular tsunamis.
Video: Nakba clashes on 3 of Israel’s borders
See it here.
Nakba Day Protests – In Pictures
Must see!

63rd Anniversary of the Israeli Campaign to Rid Palestine of Palestinians
Click here for the interactive map of Palestinian villages destroyed by Zionist forces during the Nakba.
Iran’s standoff: Khamenei vs Ahmadinejad
al-Jazeera – Excerpt: For now, Ahmadinejad appears unable to control his own destiny. With Khamenei, his long-time supporter, no longer willing to tolerate his insubordination, Iran’s parliament poised to bring him in for questioning and his attempts to appear presidential mocked openly in the press, he might have to settle for serving out two years of his term as a weakened and lame duck president.
